tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-47718501611948247832024-02-21T05:12:18.552+02:00Zubeida JafferZubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.comBlogger17125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-13717368718668635432009-04-27T21:57:00.001+02:002009-04-27T22:01:21.459+02:00What was the recipe of the election’s success?Life is a series of special moments. Last week’s election was one of those prolonged special moments strengthening our belief in the possibility of creating a country and citizenry at peace with itself. It is through these moments that we garner the determination to persevere and reach our goal of a non-racial, non-sexist society where people work and live with dignity.<br /><br />We have a long way to go to achieve this but nothing is impossible. <br />What was the recipe of last week’s success? What were the basic ingredients that propelled us to new heights?<br /><br />Over 15 years, the IEC has developed into a formidable institution. It has drawn lessons from its mistakes in the past and has concentrated on perfecting the processes that ensured improved delivery. As South Africans, it appears that as far as elections go, we have fully understood the importance of building an institution that can withstand the pressure of time and political vagaries. While we have drawn on best practice from around the world, we have crafted an institution that suits our own needs. Cursory research indicates that the IEC has largely been able to retain its staff and successfully bring in people with previous election experience during the busiest times.<br /><br />Secondly, all major political parties have participated in crafting the electoral rules. The space has been created for parties to raise their objections or complaints and these by and large have been dealt with civilly. IEC officials do however complain that some leaders had a tendency to speak to them very rudely and with a great deal of arrogance. But in the main, the decisions of chief electoral officers in every province were respected because they conducted themselves according to agreed upon rules.<br /><br />Thirdly, the two women at the helm of the organisation exuded a calm confidence. At no stage was the chairperson, Brigalia Bam or the Chief Electoral Officer, Pansy Tlakula seen to be fanning animosities or raising the temperatures amongst parties. Instead they were involved in endless behind the scenes discussions with party leaders to quietly convince them to compromise. Often these efforts went beyond the call of duty. Ms Bam was involved in discussions with leaders in KwaZulu-Natal when she could have said this was not her concern but the responsibility that belonged in entirety to the police. She would have been correct in law but she did what she had to do to help restore calm needed for the work to be done. The only blip on her record was her astonishing reluctance to say that the ANC had won the elections when she made the final result announcements. <br /><br />By doing so, she left out one ingredient of a success recipe – graciousness in defeat. <br />Brigalia Bam could not get herself to say that the ANC won by a substantial margin, way ahead of the DA and COPE. It was heartening to see COPE’s Lekota congratulate Zuma at the results centre but so far we have not heard Helen Zille congratulating him or the ANC for a performance that defied expectation. Considering all the negative dramas in the lead-up to the elections, it is indeed an extraordinary achievement. It is not only a matter of emotion and history. The ANC left nothing to chance. It persuaded many of its critics on a one to one basis and ran a campaign with first-world sophistication.<br /><br />By the same token, we have not heard the ANC congratulate the DA in the Western Cape for its outstanding performance. Like it or not, the ANC will have a hard time to recover its support in this province at least over the next two terms. <br /><br />It will also have to study closely the patterns in the various wards. Take for example, the voting stations in Lower Wynberg where I live. At the last election in 2004, the ANC led at all three stations: John Wycliff(ANC - 36, 18 percent, DA – 24.68, Methodist Church(ANC - 41,8 percent, DA – 28.3 and St Augustine where I voted (ANC - 37.2 percent and DA – 28.19).<br />Last week, the electorate shifted as follows at the same voting stations: John Wycliff(DA -69.43 percent and ANC – 6.07 percent), Methodist Church (DA – 68.17 percent and ANC – 10.57 percent) and St Augustine(DA 69.89 percent and ANC 6.3 percent). All indications before the elections were that this neighbourhood disapproved of the in-fighting in the Western Cape and the ANC’s presidential candidate.<br />Nobody would have predicted that the DA’s sweep in this area would have been so substantial. Instead of concentrating only on its present support base, the ANC will seriously have to understand what shifted voters so dramatically if it hopes ever to lead in the Western Cape again.<br /><br />The DA will also have to acknowledge that COPE has pipped it to the post as official opposition in five of our nine provinces. This is no small achievement and secures the party a place in the ongoing political landscape.<br /><br />In a funny sort of way, the election has made most South Africans feel they have won. This is the fourth ingredient in the recipe for our success. The electorate has expressed its will. Everybody was free to express themselves in terms of their own conscience giving us a result that provides a solid foundation that could reinvigorate parliament.<br /><br />Will our politicians squander this moment or will they find in themselves the humility to acknowledge that once again we have been given a unique opportunity to appeal to the best in our nature. It is a time for curbing the impulse to be greedy and arrogant, to behave as if one community or set of individuals have a monopoly over best performance. Bam and Tlakula have shown that talent and ability comes from every corner of South African society and must be identified and allowed to blossom.<br /><br />South Africa is made up of diverse communities and political interests. <br />Nationally, Black Africans represent 38 million people, White Africans, 4.3 million, Coloured Africans 4.2 million and Asian Africans 1.2 million. Voting patterns in this election largely reinforce these racial divides with the ANC predominantly appealing to Black Africans and the DA to White Africans. COPE appears to have drawn a cross-section of support but is way too small at this point to confirm that we are moving firmly beyond our racial enclaves. The challenge remains to find ways to reinforce our South Africanness. We can no longer say that we do not know the ingredients for success. It was in our face last week.<br /><br />Perhaps the political parties can place a moratorium on squabbling for the next year before they get geared up again for public spats in anticipation of the local government elections. They could negotiate a truce through parliament for one year and call on everyone to work together in their areas to improve local conditions irrespective of which party they belong to. Parliament could assess after one year whether this has made any difference to the motivation of both citizens and public servants. We may just be pleasantly surprised. <br /><br />Apart from his unfortunate recent history, Jacob Zuma is well-placed to create an enabling environment. Through the decades, this has been his abiding strength. He is known as someone who listens and brings people together. His performance during the election campaign attests to this strength. Most of all he has the capacity to bring to the centre the voice of the rural poor. <br />If we are to survive the present global financial crisis and tackle the huge challenges, we cannot afford to be pitted against one another. We must create a foundation for dialogue through which we can find the best ways to solve our huge inequalities. No one leader can achieve this but what he or she can do is to set the right tone so that our efforts will generate special moments that will tip our country towards greater fairness for all its citizens.Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-69772021490080258202009-04-22T21:09:00.000+02:002009-04-22T21:13:31.742+02:00Election Day – first impressions<span style="font-weight:bold;"></span><br /><br />This was a special day for me. It was the first time that my young daughter, Ruschka, cast her vote. I was pleased that she did not discuss her choices with me this morning, nor did she seek my opinion. Not that we did not have numerous interactions over the past weeks as we discussed the news and the events leading up to our 4th Democratic Elections.<br /><br />I was more excited than she was. She just took it in her stride, joked with the policemen whom she stopped from driving up the one-way street. “You will be breaking the law,” she said. They laughed acceding that they were caught out and dutifully drove all around the block to reach the voting station. <br />Ruschka is completing a law degree at UCT. She was born at a time when the resistance in the country was intense. When she came into our world here at the Southern most tip of Africa, she had already spent time in prison. Today I remember the how I spoke with her during the weeks of solitary confinement; how I hoped that the world for her would be a better place. <br /><br />Standing in the line with our green identity books, I was so conscious of how far we had come both personally and as a country. My finger was marked with black and ink and then hers was. In the voting cubicle, I glanced to my side and saw her at the second cubicle from me. I reached the ballot box and was asked to drop the national vote in one box and the provincial vote in another. The election official did not understand why I was hesitating. “Do you mind if I wait for my daughter?” I said “This is the first time she is voting.” He smiled broadly very happy to oblige.<br /><br />After voting, we chatted to staff and neighbours and then set off home. She got ready to attend a friend’s birthday lunch while I got ready to stop off at various voting stations to sense the mood. I am so pleased that she is able to live a life not overwhelmed by politics. I want her to be able to enjoy her young life, serve her community and find her own rhythm. I remember my young life being so different. When I was her age, I was reporter at the Cape Times and caught up in the intense resistance of the time. There was little time to fiddle with hairstyles and make-up.<br /><br />It was amusing when the reports came through this morning that women at one of the stations were being asked to remove the nail polish. No doubt an over zealous official insisting that the black ink indicating that they had voted would not take on nail polish. <br />The voting stain took on a new importance when we heard that anybody displaying the stain could get free coffee at all Wimpy bars or a free bun at Nando’s.<br />This commercial dimension will gain momentum at the next election and who knows what treats await us. It is indeed a very different time in our country. As a young student more than 30 years ago, I was turned away from a Wimpy because I was not the right colour. My mom and I were looking for a sandwich in Grahamstown after driving many hours from Cape Town and popped in at the Wimpy only to be told that we were not white enough to buy a sandwich. Today Wimpy is offering free coffee to all citizens irrespective of race.<br /><br />Despite the huge challenges confronting us, we have done ourselves proud today. At the voting stations I visited, the mood was relaxed. Party agents either sat together or stood around together chatting easily. I pray that once the election competition is over that everyone will find it in their hearts to reach out to one another and work together for the benefit of all the people. I am off to the results centre where a press conference will be held at 10.30 tonight.Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-12542403633604676152009-03-09T01:20:00.001+02:002009-03-09T01:22:51.492+02:00Zille does ANC a favourDA party leader, Ms Helen Zille, made an extraordinary statement at UCT this week that has bruised hearts here in Cape Town.<br />She told students that people erroneously believe that the ANC paid them social grants. She went on to explain that it was not the ANC that paid these grants but taxpayers and a significant number of taxpayers were DA supporters. It therefore could be said that more than half the grants are paid by DA supporters.<br />Upon enquiry, she explained her statements to me as follows in summary: There are almost 12-million social grants, and approximately 5 million individual taxpayers registered with SARS. A very significant percentage of those 5,5 million registered taxpayers were DA supporters. If it could be said that the ANC pays people social grants, it would be fair to say that the DA pays even more of their grants.<br /><br />She based her analysis, she said, on the following information drawn from the SARS annual report 2007/2008. According to this report, the total tax take in South Africa is R572,8 billion. The biggest single category of taxpayers are the personal/individual taxpayers registered with SARS(5,2 –million who account for 29,5 percent of the total tax take. The corporate tax base comprises 1,5 million corporate taxpayers who contrubte 24,7 percent of the total tax take. Together they contribute 54,2 percent of the tax take – more than half.<br />This information she says underscores her point that the ANC does not pay people’s grants. The taxpayers do and many of the biggest category of taxpayers in South Africa do not support the ANC.<br /><br />South African voters are not ignorant nor are grant recipients. Many are aware that the ANC-led government has consistently increased and extended its social grant system from one budget to another. They know they do not go to the ANC’s offices but to the government offices to collect their grants.<br /><br />Ms Zille is right to point out that there more social grant recipients than taxpayers and that this constitutes a worrying dimension of our financial system. She however is wrong to imply that voters do not have the right to choose a particular party because that party’s supporters do not pay the most taxes.<br /><br />The South African Constitution’s preamble speaks of “We, the people…. It does not refer to We, the taxpayers…<br />All citizens pay VAT. Those who are economically strong, individually or through companies pay income taxes. Those who are not strong enough to pay, often are the ones who add value to our society in different ways. The domestic worker, the gardener, the housewife contributes in equal measure to our well-being. Ms Zille should have taken the opportunity at UCT to explain to students that they are comfortable on campus because of the cleaners and other personnel who work hard for very little money. Students often are blissfully ignorant that their stay on campus is heavily subsidised by all taxpayers irrespective of which party they come from and that they owe the country their service. It would have been better for her to explain that her party is a party for all South Africans and not just the rich.<br /><br />Where there indeed are grant recipients who believe they receive their grants from the ANC and not the government, it would be necessary to point that out to them. However it does not at all help to create a commitment to strengthening the sense of nation-building when students are guided to believe that those who earn more, necessarily make a bigger contribution to society. <br />Historically this does not hold true. The mines were worked by millions in Southern Africa who earned very little and yet have bequeathed to us a mining industry through their efforts. The buildings we see in many our towns were often crafted by those who were denied their rights as citizens and were paid next to nothing for their labour. The rich fertile lands along the Liesbeeck River were removed from the Khoi and the San in the Cape through the arbitrary introduction of deeds of sale distributed by the Queen of England. Land in Constantia and surrounds were removed from people who had lived there for generations. All these families have helped to make South Africa what it is today and they deserve to have the right to insist on the freedom to choose the party in which they have the most confidence. To suggest that the ANC is lying to the electorate that it has driven the social grant system is disingenuous to say the least.<br /><br />What Ms Zille considered to be “casual comments” made at a meeting with students have more potential to bruise the hearts of many potential voters than she perhaps realises. In a single thoughtless moment she may have done the ANC a greater service than she could have intended.<br /><br />endsZubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-18517903807089765012009-03-05T10:54:00.002+02:002009-03-05T10:55:55.401+02:00Who will win the Western Cape?The silly season is upon us. The Western Cape, the most hotly contested province in the country, is in for a roller coaster ride. All indications are that no one party will be the winner. Instead our political future is likely to fall into the hands of a coalition of parties post 22 April.<br />How we vote will influence what that coalition will be. It could be any of a combination of parties. The Democratic Alliance(DA) and the African National Congress(ANC) could either align with the Independent Democrats(ID), the Congress of the People(COPE) or some of the smaller parties such as the African Christian Democratic Party(ACDP), the United Democratic Movement(UDM) or the African Muslim Party (AMP).<br /><br />The two front runners in the 2004 election both believe that they will retain or improve their status amongst voters. While the ANC acknowledges that some of its voters were alienated, it has set out to win back that support and believes it is succeeding. It won 45 percent of the vote in the last election. The DA says evidence suggests that it will win at least 40 percent of the vote and will lead its nearest competitor by 10 percent.<br /><br />The DA offers a number of reasons why it will win at least 10 percent more than its nearest competitor in this province. While the party garnered 27 percent of the vote in the last national elections in 2004, it won 39 percent in the local government elections in 2006. The ANC won the same but “is now split and cannot hope to win that much support in this election.” By-election results at the end of last year, said the DA, suggest support has grown among Coloured African voters in the metro. The third reason that contributes to it winning is that more DA supporters than ANC supporters turned out for both the recent registration weekends. Lastly, the party runs a tracking poll every day and this suggests that it is on track to win over 40 percent of the vote. Despite this, the party cautions against over-confidence. “Predicting the outcome of the elections is a tricky business,” said spokesperson, Ryan Coetzee. “Every vote counts and none should ever be taken for granted.<br /><br />The ANC appears to be painfully aware of its challenges but is upbeat that it is successfully winning back its core supporters. <br /> “We have gone for deep organisation as well as a high profile presence” said ANC spokesperson, Jessie Duarte. The party is not depending on the media and chooses instead to speak directly to the voters. “We are successfully bringing people back into the ANC who had withdrawn,” she said.<br />It is confident that it can depend on the black African vote and the coloured African working class and the farm workers in much of the Overberg and outlying areas. It does not consider COPE to be a major factor in the Western Cape or anywhere else.<br /><br />Most smaller parties expect to improve their performance because the situation is so fluid. Compared to its 80 branches in 2004, the Independent Democrats (ID) now has 212 branches in this province. It expects to improve its past showing of close to eight percent. <br /> “We attend to people’s problems and are finding that they are continuing to join,” said Patricia De Lille. “We are a bridge across all communities,” she said.<br /><br />The presence of COPE however introduces a major unknown factor. It appears to be reaching out for support amongst all sections of the electorate and as such could potentially impact on the ANC, the DA and the smaller parties. For example, it has targeted both farm workers and farm owners in the Stellenbosch area and claims to be making considerable impact. “We want to find all the talented individuals we can in order to make the Western Cape a shining example,” said COPE’s spokesperson, Mr Sipho Ngwema. “We do not believe we have a monopoloy on good men and women and want to hold hands with as many people as possible who can make a difference to our lives,” he said. While it only opened it provincial office last week and cannot boast of a strong formal infrastructure, it will promote itself at existing public events starting this weekend. While a number of ANC branches have moved over to COPE lock stock and barrel, COPE’s strategy is encouraging its members with large personal networks to reach out to their friends and acquaintances. <br /><br />Who will succeed in winning the hearts and minds of the people of the Western Cape?<br />This province has the third largest population in the country. About 4,8 million people reside in this most diverse region of the country. Their political future lies in the hands of 2, 6 million registered voters who potentially could go to the polls in April. This number represents 400,000 more voters than in 2004 with more than half of the new voters being from the 16 to 29 age group.<br /><br />Nationally, Black Africans represent 38 million people, White Africans, 4.3 million, Coloured Africans 4.2 million and Asian Africans 1.2 million.<br /><br />In the Western Cape, there are less than a million Black Africans, 2,2 million Coloured Africans, over 700,000 White Africans and 24,000 Asian Africans. Cape Town and surrounds where more than 70 percent of the voting public resides is the oldest town in South Africa. Its population demographics speak of a history of colonial plunder that wiped out large parts of the indigenous Khoi and San communities and injected a slave community drawn from Asia. Successive apartheid administrations actively excluded black Africans from this part of the country.<br /><br />Since 1994, the black African vote in this province has remained largely stable. It has consistently gone to the ANC. This is the first time that there are expectations that this pattern will shift. For example, in Langa, the oldest township, the ANC is facing fierce competition from COPE. In response, the ANC organised its December 16th event in that area at the end of last year. It brought in its president Jacob Zuma who attracted a large crowd that was however largely from outside Langa.<br /><br />In Worcester and the Boland areas where it has traditionally been strong, it’s deputy and the country’s president, Kgalema Motlanthe paid personal courtesy visits to key influential supporters last month. Anecdotal evidence suggests that there has been a considerable swing towards COPE in Worcester. Similar evidence suggests a stronger support of the DA in Khayelitsha and Phillipi than in previous elections. The ANC is also taking some strain in the Southern Cape amongst both black African and Coloured African sectors.<br /><br />The premier candidates for the different parties are expected to be in fierce competition.<br />Both the DA and the ID are sending their party leaders into the fray underscoring the importance with which they view the elections here.<br />Helen Zille will be pitted against Patricia De Lille. With the COPE’s Alan Boesak thrown in, voters can expect to be bombarded as well as entertained.<br />Interestingly, the ANC remains undecided about its premier candidate. Its spokesperson, Ms Duarte, says that the organisation will not run a campaign based on the personality of its premier candidate but on the strength of the ANC as an organisation. This does however point to an admission of the fractiousness of ANC politics in the Western. Will it be the current premier, Lynne Brown or the current head of the elections team, Chris Nissen.<br /> “We are going to take our time to decide who will be our premier candidate,” said Ms Duarte. <br /><br />They do have some time on their side. Within the present fluid political climate, a week becomes a very long time. Anything can happen. Events can create changed circumstances in a flash. It is both scary and exhilarating that many voters appear to be undecided. Scary because they may withdraw from the political process but exhilarating because they may act in a way that could inject fresh dynamics into local political life.<br /><br />With the high levels of competition amongst the parties, it is most likely that many voters will go to the polls. In doing so, they will give democracy a huge thumbs up. By all standards, six weeks is a long time in politics. Much will depend on the impression parties make in this time. The difficulty for the voter is that most of them come with the same message. There is in fact very little different in the stated aims of these parties. The difference lies in the levels of trust that people feel and how convinced they are that they can depend on one party to act in their interests rather than another party.<br />The choices are tough. When we cast our votes, we will have to consider what alliances we will strengthen. Will Helen Zille be able to bring together a coalition of parties opposed to the ANC as she has done in the City Council? Will the ANC be able to make an alliance with COPE , the ID and the AMP and once again run the provincial government? Or will Alan Boesak be the kingmaker?<br />If all the smaller parties join a coalition with the DA, it will end ANC rule in the Western Cape. <br /><br />There are considerable unknowns in this election. The most rewarding outcome would be a balance of power between the different parties so that they could seriously consider cooperating in the interests of all the people of the Western Cape. <br />There are clearly enormously talented individuals in every party. It will be a pity if they pit themselves against one another after the elections. They have the freedom to do so until April 22. Let’s hope they have the wisdom to combine their strengths in all our interests after the passing of the silly season.<br /><br />Ends<br /><br />* The terms used to describe different communities are terms created by myself because I believe we should find new inclusive terms.Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-76838994171181046232009-02-19T07:33:00.001+02:002009-02-19T07:34:58.527+02:00The ANC and Niehaus- Where does this confusion come from?Politics is ninety percent perception. This is considered accepted wisdom. The messages that political parties send out in the run-up to the elections thus become crucial as they compete for the public vote.<br /><br />With just ten weeks to go before the elections, the National Assembly has concluded its session this week freeing Members of Parliament to campaign across the country.<br /><br />Those at the coalface of every political party will be under enormous pressure to make the best possible impression in the public mind. Besides the policies of each party, citizens will make decisions based on the extent to which they can trust the individuals associated with that party. <br /><br />The exposure of the ANC’s Carl Niehaus could not have come at a more inopportune time for his party. In a short space of time this year, he has become the public face of the organisation eclipsing his team mate, Jessie Duarte who had become the spokesperson post-Polokwane. He has confessed to a string of activities that point to him being an individual of extremely weak character. Not only has he acknowledged forging the signatures of four Gauteng MECs while he was running the Guateng Economic Development Agency(Geda), but has left behind a string of bad debt and broken promises made to people who say they have lost thousands of rands. Further disclosures continue to come to the fore.<br /><br />While some in the ANC say they had no conclusive knowledge of his past conduct, they do admit that there were rumours doing the rounds in the organisation. They could be excused for believing that the stories being spread were a consequence of intense office politics and had no real basis in fact.<br /><br />However, there were those who knew more. Surely they cannot say they did not know that Niehaus had certain tendencies that could discredit the organisation. The present Gauteng Premier, Paul Mashatile, had some idea that this man was untrustworthy. Then there were all those whom he borrowed money from. One has to assume that they did not know the extent of his borrowing but it was a talking point in some circles.<br /><br />The concern here is not that Carl Niehaus is a disturbed individual. This sadly is his problem and the problem of his family. The concern is that the ANC could have appointed him to such a crucial position. Surely there are many smart young people who could have done the job? It brings to mind the irrepressible Parks Mankahala who at 30 years of age became spokesperson for Nelson Mandela. With a good support team, he became one of this country’s most admired media spokespersons and will be remembered for his skill and flair.<br /><br />The concern too is that both his response and the ANC’s response to the disclosures were not unequivocal. He did the right thing by offering his resignation but then left the door open for his organisation to decide. The secretary-general of the ANC, Gwede Mantashe, was hesitant. If he had understood that politics is ninety percent about perception, he would have realised that “looking after” Niehaus was not his immediate priority. His immediate priority was to protect the interests of his organisation so that the public could trust him.<br /><br />This insistence that the ANC looks after its own is erroneous. It is not looking after its own. There are countless activists and members who have made enormous contributions all over the country who are not being looked after. And rightly so. It would be impossible for the organisation to make this its mission. But when it says the ANC “looks after its own”, it says that it is “looking after” those whom it has chosen to “look after”. And this is a message that is clearly communicated to those whom it has chosen not to “look after”.<br /><br />It is not the ANC’s responsibility to look after anyone. It is its responsibility to run an organisation that will express the will of the people and to protect the interests of those who have voted for them. Its history however places a further responsibility on its shoulders. Whether it likes it or not, it carries the hearts of many in the palm of its hand. Many whom I have spoken with over the past months are unable to move to a point where elections represent a period of normal competition between different political parties. It remains for them more about the heart and the emotional attachment to an ideal they fought for. <br /><br />There appears to be no distinction between support given to an individual in need of help and protecting the integrity of the organisation. Surely the integrity of the organisation must at all times be uppermost in the minds of its members and leaders. The ANC was built with the sweat of thousands over nearly a century. It is an organisation that carries the spirits of countless South Africans in its bosom. And it is being unwittingly trampled upon with a casualness that is astounding.<br /><br />Where does all this confusion come from? Why could Mantashe not say that Niehaus will face an immediate disciplinary hearing and will henceforth be removed from any position of authority pending the outcome of such a hearing? Why did he not say that the ANC will not allow any of its staff to bring disgrace to the organisation and will not tolerate or sanction conduct that falls outside the norms of healthy societies? In not doing so, he is chipping away at the public trust.<br /><br />Where does all this confusion come from? Does it have its roots in the compromise made at the negotiating table? Did we take the trade-offs made then as part of the normal course of things? We did not punish those whose conduct destroyed our social fabric because we considered ourselves to have been at war. Instead, we called for full disclosure and in return granted amnesty for those who transgressed. How full Niehaus’s disclosure has been is uncertain. Nevertheless when caught out, he hung his future on disclosure or confession. This is not surprising considering his strong theological background. However, trading truth for amnesty, may have been a useful way years ago to navigate past a difficult patch in the life of a nation.<br /><br />The rules we adopted then were designed to take us through a period of transition. They were designed to deal with our past and to find a way to move on as a collective. The problem appears to be that this set of temporary rules has permeated the body politic. Those rules were forced upon us at a particular time but cannot be the norm. The Constitution and the law it upholds are the norm.<br /><br />Even more so, the Niehaus affair sends a strong message of moral degeneration. Even if the law does not find him guilty, he is by his own confession, guilty of immoral conduct.<br /><br />Surely it is in the interests of the ANC to send out a message that is unequivocal in its condemnation of such behaviour. If it does not do so, it further confuses an already confused message.<br /><br /><br />ends.Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-45409128175671433572009-01-23T13:14:00.000+02:002009-01-23T13:16:04.246+02:00Will COPE help bring real change?Outside the city of Cape Town, in a northern suburbs home, COPE party leader, Mosiuoa Lekota, sips a glass of cold apple juice. A small boy, with large innocent eyes, toddles into the lounge and he takes him onto his knee as he speaks. There is no sign of the anger, agitation and frustration he displayed a few weeks ago when he left the ANC. The child too is still and quiet sensing the calm.<br />The past weeks of contact with South Africans of all walks of life have energised Lekota. “We are attracting people from all sectors of society, many who had abandoned politics,” he said. “Young people in particular see in COPE a party of their time.”<br /><br />He ascribes his sense of well-being particularly to acknowledging the mistakes he and others had made. “I share responsibility for failures in full,” he said. “It is not for lack of effort. It is partly because we missed some fundamentals.” He feels peaceful since deciding to make a fresh start. “There is nothing more painful than being at loggerheads with one’s conscience,” he said.<br /><br />The party he leads will launch its manifesto in Port Elizabeth on Saturday barely two weeks after the ANC’s impressive launch in nearby East London. Will their manifesto signal a changed approach to the huge challenges facing our country? Will this inject fresh hope into the body politic or can we expect more of the same?<br /><br />Lekota identifies two areas that require considerable change – non-racialism and economic empowerment. COPE will not challenge the broad philosophy of these policies. Instead it believes that substantial change has to take place with the implementation.<br /><br />Huge effort has gone into popularising the idea of non-racialism but some fundamentals were missed in implementation. “On the side of the ANC, we did not read the mood and were unable to fashion an approach that would help all sections of the population feel they belonged,” he said. <br /><br />He argues that the language used by the democratic government has sustained an apartheid mentality. “We should strongly have spoken about South Africans,” he said.<br />In terms of Chapter three of the Constitution, citizens were all equally entitled to rights and benefits and all equally bound by duties of responsibilities, he said. “We communicated a message that in this democracy you pay tax but when it comes to your rights, you are less of a citizen.” COPE will stick closely to the founding provisions of the Constitution and make sure that the language used be fully inclusive. <br /><br />This will require a neutral approach to economic empowerment. Instead of emphasising black economic empowerment, COPE will call for economic empowerment for all and provide assistance to those who need it based on a means test. “In all sections of the population, people are poor. We need to find ways to reverse these trends in all communities,” he said.<br /><br />If COPE has its way, Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) will become Grassroots Economic Empowerment (GEE). The country will become a food exporter not a food importer by working the land effectively and will increase the production of tradeable goods. Since 1994, the industrial sector in the country has slowed down dramatically, forcing South Africa to import many goods.<br /><br />He is sensitive to the need to fashion an approach that will draw on the strengths of all South Africans irrespective of race, gender or religious affiliation.<br />Not only was there an emphasis on being black, there was also an emphasis on being ANC. “We need to depoliticise the civil service and draw on people from all political parties with the necessary skill to do the job,” he said.<br /><br />For Lekota, COPE has revived people’s hopes of achieving a genuine democracy. “If we stay on course, we will inject new life into the political process.”<br /><br />Will his message of change resonate with the South African public? Much depends on his parties conduct over the next few weeks. The proof will be not in only in what they say but in how they conduct themselves. The reality is that many of those who have moved into COPE bring their experience of the ANC with them. The question is whether or not they will leave behind that which is bad and take with them that which is good?<br /><br />Genuine change requires serious personal reflection. Listening to Lekota and observing him suggests he has done some soul-searching. When the pressure builds up over the next few months, it will be interesting to see whether he will remain resolute in his determination to chart a different course – one that recognises as Mandela said that there are good men and women in every political party. There are good men and women irrespective of race who are keen to work to make South Africa function optimally.<br /><br />By Freedom Day this year, we are likely to know whether we have reached a level of freedom that allows us to consider new and fresh ideas and welcome these into the body politic. The danger however remains that in the process, we may carelessly break down painstaking gains that have been made. Once again, the challenge will be how to find the balance between the old ways of doing things and the new. In his inaugural address on Tuesday, US President Obama put his finger on the essence when he said : “Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends – hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism – these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to those truths.”<br /><br />Since 1994, we have moved our country towards the contemporary and dominant way of the world. We have been encouraged to believe that greed is acceptable, that personal well-being requires massive accumulation of material wealth, that the welfare of our neighbours are not essentially our responsibility, that there is no right or wrong. The rapid collapse of the global economy says something different. It challenges us to reconsider the dominant way of today’s world and will force us to rethink our “anything goes” approach.<br /><br />It is the dreams of greater equality and kindness that moved us to create a movement for change that found expression in the ANC. It is those values of peace and goodness that we all yearn for. COPE will just be another one of the many political parties, if its leaders are not seen to be seriously reflective of how they have conducted themselves in the past and demonstrate in right actions a commitment to a fresh approach.<br />Observing Lekota, it appears that he has taken a step in the right direction. He has indeed been given a second chance but he needs to know that for him and those around him, there will be not be a third. COPE has a huge responsibility. It will not be easy to breathe fresh life into our fledgling democracy again if citizens discover that hidden behind the rhetoric and veneer of deepening democracy lies a shallow interest in self-promotion. It is not only poverty that destabilises public life. It is the perceived unfairness in the way important decisions made and politics is conducted.<br />If we cannot reshape the way in which we do the business of politics, what will be the future of that small boy with the large innocent eyes perched on Lekota’s knee?<br /><br />ends<br /><br /><br />Zubeida Jaffer, journalist and author of recently launched Love in the Time of Treason is Visiting Associate at UCT’s Centre for African Studies. Read her blog at www.zubeidajaffer.co.zaZubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-8800965987464615922009-01-08T21:53:00.001+02:002009-01-08T21:56:33.537+02:00Innovative leadership or a laager mentality:<span style="font-weight:bold;"></span><br /><br /> Today, January 8, 2009, the ANC turns 97. When it meets to launch it election manifesto in East London on Saturday, it will set the tone for the upcoming elections.<br />Just three years away from scoring its centenary, this grand movement of Africa can either retreat into a laager mentality or provide the innovative leadership South Africa sorely needs at this testing time.<br /><br />Indications behind the scenes are that the movement contains elements of both responses. There are some who say that the ANC has made many mistakes but has largely been able to manage the politics of difference. This ability, they say, is the most critical strength needed in a country with so many diverse interests. In the end, it knits together the hopes of the widest cross-section of the South African population and has until recently not been challenged on this front. While COPE challenges this hegemony, this too has been sited as a tribute to the strength of South Africa's democracy led by the ANC. There have been spats and tensions but not to the extent that could spill into full-blown violence with the potential of civil war. They argue that in the past few weeks, all parties have intensified their contact with the people and have found small pockets of intolerance. The greatest possibility for friction lies between the ANC and COPE and it is here that the most work will have to be done to curb hot tempers that could provoke physical clashes.<br /><br />Those in the ANC who believe the depth of leadership experience within the organisation will not fail the country at this critical time say that the election contest must be based on the appeal of the manifestoes of the different parties. They intend doing all they can to encourage citizens to focus on this and move away from unneccesary belligerence.<br />There is a response running parallel that provokes great concern. Instead of acknowledging that the political dynamic has changed requiring fresh responses, this view glibly argues that COPE is a counter-revolutionary movement funded by foreign interests. The term counter-revolutionary within the South African liberation context implies that the activities fundamentally oppose all the values fought for and seeks to reverse the gains made in transforming the society into a more egalitarian place. The label is used in much the same way as the United States of America uses the term Islamic Fundamentalism. It is often a shallow way to deal with real criticism and a refusal to recognise the limitations of one's own response. Unfortunately what flows from this approach is that it gives permission to restrict, to crush and ultimately to kill. Within the Soviet context, counter revolutionaries were enemies of the people.<br /><br /> Those in the ANC intent on promoting this view need to consider that they sow the seeds of destruction. They are encouraging an analysis that will further narrow the space for difference. In the past, the challenge has essentially been to manage differences between the political thinking and interests of the old order and the new. This year brings the challenge of handling political difference that has evolved from within the new non-racial democratic order.<br /><br /> This is not to suggest that the democracy is fully in place. While the constitution is in place, the conditions of hunger and inequality remain huge challenges that diminish the dream of a social democracy. Much remains to be done and will still have to be done what ever the political configuration after the elections.<br /><br />Good leadership and able practitioners are needed in the key sectors of health, education and security. The COPE phenomenon has shown that there are people who can be brought into the political arena who can add fresh skills and talents. While this may inject much needed enthusiasm and healthy competition into the political process, it says little about the strengthening of our crucial institutions essential for the comfort and security of our daily lives.<br /><br />Irrespective of who leads, the challenge of building proper institutions as firm pillars of a well-functioning country remains. Parliament, the hospitals, the media, schools, the police and others need to fulfil their primary functions. Traffic departments across the country appear to have taken their jobs seriously by halving fatalities this festive season. What was it that changed? We need to look closely at this success story.<br /><br /><br />The media in particular will have its work cut out. Its primary role is to provide the public with enough information to make informed decisions and give voice to the powerless and marginalised. So far both the electronic and print media have broadly overemphasised the COPE phenomenon to the disadvantage of all other political parties. From a media point of view, this can be excused to some extent since news also tends to focus on what is new. By its very nature, we are trained to move the story forward, looking at all times for new dimensions that sometimes gives greater clarity. We are also operating in an international climate that affirms quick fixes and instant gratification. The emergence of COPE feeds into that hope that something different is happening that can help us find fresh energy to consolidate close to a century of organised effort. Not only does it create the political space for strong effective alternatives but also provides the pressure on the ANC to self-correct instead of drifting into a laager. The media will have to navigate the changing political terrain artfully. Its responses can either encourage the worst inclinations amongst all of us or help to bring out the best. In the interests of building a respected and solid media practice, it will need to be seen as fair conducting itself without fear or favour. Unfairness at this point will go a long way to diminish its important social role. Fortunately, some media outlets have recognised this and are putting mechanisms in place to safeguard against unfairness. The Star, for example, has commissioned the Media Monitoring Project to provide weekly reports on its levels of fairness during the elections. These reports will be published regularly.<br /><br />While the media continues to express considerable discomfort with a Jacob Zuma presidency, there has to be acknowledgement that a substantial section of the public will vote in favour of him. His popularity cannot be presented as blind support for a man who is an idiot. He brings to the centre stage the interests of communities that have often operated at the margins of urban discourse.<br />Dismissing him and all he represents as traditionalist is no different from glibly pulling the counter-revolutionary label out of the collective hat.<br /><br /><br />We are poised on the cusp of a great opportunity that will test our ability to respond with great maturity as never before. If the ANC does not set the tone on Saturday, greater responsibility will fall on the shoulders of other political parties and civil society. We can do well to be spared such expenditure of energy on the political process at a time when all our efforts are needed to sort out and consolidate the functioning of our institutions so that all South Africans are able to enjoy an improved quality of life.<br /><br /> <br /><br />EndsZubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-19685568419694677382008-11-06T09:36:00.002+02:002008-11-06T09:39:38.562+02:00The world as we know it is coming to an endThe world as we know it is coming to an end. Barack Obama has taken over the White House. Global capitalism is facing the worst crisis in its history. Millions across the world face losing their jobs. A young man who by his own admission has trained at the feet of Nelson Mandela has been propelled onto the center stage.<br /><br />Few expect that he will be able to effect great change immediately. The constraints of the American economic and political system will limit him in the same way as it has always limited others before him.<br /><br />His election however does bring with it a strong message of hope at a time when the world most desperately needs it. For the past eight years, the international reputation of the United States has steadily declined. Obama's election signals that ordinary people can make a difference when they exercise their democratic vote. It also moves issues of race and racism onto another level. No longer will people of colour have to submit to the prejudice that they are inferior. No longer will they in turn be able to pigeon-hole all white people.<br /><br />Not only does Obama epitomise the fusion of black and white, he also brings into the equation an Arab- Muslim dimension that potentially could help subside present-day hostilities. His name Barack derives from the Arabic word baraka which means blessings.<br /><br /> <br />His refreshing and easy connection with millions of people in his country and across the world paves the way for a symbiotic relationship which may just release fresh energies of ordinary people as the world struggles to deal with a crisis of unprecedented proportions.<br /><br /><br />We in South Africa are so insular that we spend a great deal of time bemoaning our fate rather than carefully examining our strengths and weaknesses. The United States has lived through at least eight years of terribly poor leadership but has come back fighting for the ideals envisioned by their founding fathers. Obama's election creates the kind of space in the world for those with fresh ideas to come forward without fear.<br /><br />His election is also an indication that citizens want their leaders to lift them beyond themselves. They want their leaders to provide a moral compass and create a context within which they can help create a decent and respectful life.<br /><br /><br />After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the East-West divide, the world has endured a period of unfettered change that has left greater poverty and spiritual dislocation.<br /><br /> <br /><br />In South Africa, our Obama stepped into our lives during this time. Not only did Nelson Mandela lift us beyond ourselves, he also inspired Obama and countless others around the world. Strangely we seem to have forgotten that we have been blessed with a legacy of great leaders – Luthuli, Smuts, Tambo, Sobukwe. Mandela who took this legacy to its greatest heights is 90 years old this year and perhaps not too long away from leaving us. Either we recognise that this legacy has today been championed by one of the most important countries in the world or we miss this moment and tie ourselves up in internecine warfare.<br /><br /> <br />The weekend's national convention in Sandton contains within it the possibilities of both paths. It is too early to say which path will dominate. It depends on how those who were part of the national convention conduct themselves over the next few months. It also depends on how creatively the ANC responds to this unexpected upheaval. The world as we know it is coming to an end.<br /><br /> <br /><br />Old ways of dealing with this new situation is not going to advance the quality of life much. Terror Lekota and Mbhazima Shilowa as well as the existing opposition parties will have to realise that they too can be left behind by the groundswell of change that is taking place. They may garner 15 to 20% of the vote next year and secure seats in parliament for loyal party members but will they have understood that we are living in a time of the internet, and an economic and spiritual crisis that cries out for something wholesome and different.<br /><br />The South African electorate is not as unsophisticated as many may want to believe. Those who characterise this national convention as purely the response of petulant losers will find they have misread the signs of the times. The convention leaders must also remembers that people are aware that they were in positions of leadership during the past 14 years when the floods of change swept through the country. In a short space of time, they have played a part in dashing the hopes of many who fought alongside them.<br /><br /> <br /><br />Some South Africans have benefited from the end of racism but many can be seen scratching in bins for food. They say they scratch for food and clothes that people throw away in order to feed and clothe their families. There is no stronger indictment against this democracy. In a land of plenty, millions eat very little daily.<br /><br /><br /><br />Lekota and Shilowa made some of the right noises this weekend when they spoke about the need for respect, their commitment to family values and non-racial inclusivity. However they are a loose group of individuals that have yet to forge an identity. They will have to bear in mind that large numbers of the South African electorate has experienced Obama's direct and simple appeal. They also carry within themselves the memory of the grandness of Tambo and Mandela. Rudeness, insults and uncouth conduct will not win many votes. Constantly excluding sections of citizens from public life also does not bode well for democracy. Empty promises will not fall favourably on the voters ears. Both they and the ANC will have to come to terms with the fact that the world as we know it is coming to an end. What lies ahead is unknown. The only message that will make any impact is one of hope and change expressed through respectful personal conduct.<br /><br /> <br />However weakly organised they might turn out to be, there is a great chance that South Africans may decide to give the new kids on the block their protest vote. The ANC will have to shift from sticking to positions and conduct that do not resonate with large numbers of South Africans. By calling them "the black DA" and "counter-revolutionary", they may further unleash the groundswell of disappointment and anger that is definitely simmering below the surface. If it chooses to use this unexpected turn of events to recognise fully the feelings that have emerged and respond to these creatively, it may yet undermine those who have broken away<br /><br /><br />Both the ANC and the new group will have to come to terms with the fact that the world as we know it is coming to an end. What lies ahead is unknown. The only message that will make any impact is one of hope and change practically demonstrated through respectful and thoughtful personal conduct. No one person has the answer to the difficulties confronting us. There is a desperate need for political space that will give a wide range of South Africans the opportunity to help solve the many challenges facing us.Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-58158233626540413992008-11-05T11:50:00.001+02:002008-11-05T11:54:09.555+02:00The Signs of the TimesThe atmosphere at the national convention in Sandton this past weekend was festive. <br />Small South African flags, placed on the chairs in the hall, were waved about happily. <br />Young volunteers wore yellow t-shirts with the word volunteer printed in large letters across their backs. They were polite and courteous with many of them admitting that they had never been part of a political organisation.<br />All around there were smiling, happy faces as if the crowd was part of an evangelical church gathering. When a lone priest delivered the opening prayers, there were a few cries of “Oh Jesus” and “Hallelujah” rising from the audience of over 5,000. The organisers pegged the official attendance at 6,300 based on registration figures.<br /><br /><br />It was unclear what exactly was happening. Were people so happy because they had stood up in defence of Thabo Mbeki? Were they so happy because this was a chance for them to have access to power? Were they happy because they could express their pent up political frustrations? <br /><br />Numerous interviews with many who had attended gave some clues to the answer. Some had come as individuals who had quietly supported the ANC over many years, had wished for its success without being members and now disappointed in the organisation for numerous reasons. Others had come as part of ANC branches that had broken away because they no longer felt their voices were heard. Then there were those who came from opposition parties who felt the convention offered a space for South Africans to speak together and potentially hear one another as they so often failed to do in parliament. Interestingly common to most of those interviewed was the offence they took to the utterances of Julius Malema, the Youth League President. <br />A number of women who were ANC voters said that they were being challenged by their sons and daughters to explain how they could support a party that allowed a young man to be disrespectful to their elders. They also did not know how to explain to their adult children why they would vote for somebody who was promiscuous.<br /><br />The organisers of the national convention appear to have successfully read the signs of the times South Africans are living through. Listening to the delegates representing each province, it emerged that there was great concern about joblessness, crime, poor health services and poor education. At the same time, there was major concern about morality, good leadership and decent respectful conduct. There was also a growing call for a reorganisation of the electoral system to allow citizens to elect their leaders directly rather than through a party. A cynic could argue that this suited the leaders of the convention since it would allow for the possibility that one of them could in the future contest the presidential elections. There was no doubt however that this call resonated strongly with those present. They no longer felt connected to those whom they had elected into power and blamed the electoral system which placed power in the hands of political parties. (See the article that follows at the end of this week for a fuller explanation of this.)<br /><br />Compared to Polokwane in December last year where the tension was high, this was a gathering of like-minded individuals largely motivated by a desire for change. Guest speaker, Dr Barney Pityana perhaps best captured the driving force present when he said: “Deep down our people seek peace and strive for the affirmation of their humanity.”<br /><br />They spontaneously sang ‘happy birthday” when they heard it was the 80th birthday of Gatsha Buthulezi, the leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party and repeated this when Nils Flaaten, the delegate representing the views of the Western Cape, disclosed that it was his birthday. <br /><br />Besides these high doses of feel-good impulses, the superficial discussions in the hall gave little indication of how this initiative would offer a fresh approach to the enormous challenges South Africans face.<br /><br />There were some important indicators of the conventions direction:<br />• A new party would be launched on December 16 this year and contest next years election<br />• This party would lobby for electoral change<br />• It will place strong emphasis on reaffirming traditional family families and encouraging ethical and respectful conduct.<br />• It would campaign for the constitution to be respected.<br />• It would direct its appeal to the youth across the racial divide.<br /><br /><br />While it may be committed to these lofty ideals, the proof of the pudding will be in the eating. The proceedings this weekend placed on display potentially serious difficulties that this grouping will have to overcome. Most of those who formed part of the preparatory committee do not have a history of working closely together. They share in common their past membership of the ANC. That is about all. The only two who have been in a close working relationship is the former Defence Minister, Terror Lekota and his former deputy, Mluleki George. Mbhazima Shilowa is the former premier of Gauteng. Hilda Ndude from the Western Cape is a former activist turned business woman. Anele Mda from the Eastern Cape is a young woman who works as a personal assistant to one of the Eastern Cape Youth Commissioner. Phillip Dexter is the former treasurer of the South African Communist Party. Willie Madisha is a former Cosatu president and Lyndall Shope is a former activist and civil servant.<br />Their strength lies in the fact that their ethnic backgrounds are diverse. There is no danger that they could be accused of being representative of a particular ethnic group. But their challenge will be to give substance to the feeling of hope that they have engendered when they brought so many people together. <br /><br />It is too early to say whether they will be successful. Shilowa’s declaration at the close of the meeting that they are ready to win the next elections cannot be taken seriously. Most other prominent leaders who participated in the deliberations were more realistic. A number of leaders who were prominent in the eighties such as Thozamile Botha, Danile Landingwe and Mkhuseli Jack were far more realistic. They admitted that it would be a hard slog to build a new party and that their intention was more to create an opposition to the ANC and pressure it from going in the wrong direction.<br /><br />It is too early to tell whether their efforts will change the political landscape in the country or whether they will dwindle into just another small opposition party.<br /><br />They may be fortunate however to benefit from reading the signs of the times correctly. However weakly organised they might turn out to be, there is a great chance that South Africans may decide to give them their protest vote. The ANC will have to shift from sticking to positions and conduct that do not resonate with large numbers of South Africans. By calling them “the black DA” and “counter-revolutionary”, they may further unleash the groundswell of disappointment and anger that is definitely simmering below the surface. If it chooses to use this unexpected turn of events to recognise fully the feelings that have emerged and respond to these creatively, it may yet undermine those who have broken away. Thus far, it has failed to understand that this is not just a group of angry people who want their positions. This is a group of people who have correctly read the signs of the times. And it is this more than anything else that will pose the greatest challenge to the ANC.<br /><br />EndsZubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-52395176234323150212008-11-04T19:23:00.003+02:002008-11-04T19:27:55.042+02:00Love in the time of treason<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkXpb5QHDmBpudGm66NfoTvV_n9WFoU9YfTgzWGDIfYQ_bY2Rc8-1Qb93hNNx7qvVUSq73THuOpPMuNOuqLSKOX5cmGNV45ezzg3TYcTIdQKxd53RuAaBeSmoxyQ_eKOIqJ_6WsImjHQzn/s1600-h/love_main.gif"><img style="display:block; margin:0px auto 10px; text-align:center;cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 320px; height: 240px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkXpb5QHDmBpudGm66NfoTvV_n9WFoU9YfTgzWGDIfYQ_bY2Rc8-1Qb93hNNx7qvVUSq73THuOpPMuNOuqLSKOX5cmGNV45ezzg3TYcTIdQKxd53RuAaBeSmoxyQ_eKOIqJ_6WsImjHQzn/s320/love_main.gif" border="0" alt=""id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5264854929328558578" /></a>Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-86095748430821100882008-09-29T03:37:00.002+02:002008-09-29T03:47:32.912+02:00Manuel did not resign on principleIt appears that Manuel did not resign on principle. When asked by Mbeki to travel to Washington, he had tabled a resignation letter because he believed this to be what was technically required for the change-over. He had exacted a promise that the change would be seamless. <br />He was on a flight between Washington and New York when the news of the cabinet resignations hit the press. It is unclear who pushed the button from the President's Office. The president's spokesperson, Thembo Maseko, was unaware of the release of the news. And in that short time when Manuel was on a plane, South Africa was in limbo. Fortunately some of the major investors had been informed earlier of the possibility of unfounded rumours and did not react. Who gave the instruction for the button to be pushed?Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-48744625340345916182008-09-24T05:55:00.000+02:002008-09-24T05:59:01.244+02:00To do the right thing for the wrong reason is treasonThe last temptation is the greatest treason: <br />To do the right deed for the wrong reason. <br />- T.S. Eliot, Murder in the Cathedral<br /><br /><br /><br />By Zubeida Jaffer*<br /><br />The rifts run deep. Half of Thabo Mbeki’s cabinet have chosen to follow him out of the door leaving the country in a state of uncertainty. When parliament sits tomorrow, the resignations of 10 cabinet ministers and 3 deputy-ministers will hang like a dark cloud over the installation of a new president.<br />Zuma and the deputy-president of the ANC, Kgalema Motlanthe, expected to fill Mbeki’s shoes, will have to demonstrate strong leadership in the next few days to bring calm to the nation. This is a crisis that can be managed but it could also exacerbate the tensions within the ruling party which last weekend’s National Executive Committee sought to reduce.<br /><br />While some of the resignations were expected, the resignation of Finance Minister Trevor Manuel, came as a bolt from the blue. Over the past week, there have been consistent indications that he would remain in his post. He has clearly taken a stand on a matter of principle, risking the reactions of the markets to show his personal dissatisfaction with the way Mbeki was removed. At the same time, he put the new leadership on the back foot. They have had to approach him cognisant of the fact that they will not easily be able to change the country’s economic direction. While Zuma’s allies may not like Manuel, they will not be able to ignore the fact that the markets only stabilised when his spokesperson said he was still available for reappointment. No amount of shouting or protesting from them will alter this reality.<br /><br />Some ministers are resigning because they feel they need to make space for the new president to have the freedom to create his own cabinet. Others are profoundly disturbed by the way in which Thabo Mbeki was treated and have had enough of the internal wranglings within the ANC. Essop Pahad, Minister in the Office of the President, has not only resigned from cabinet but also as a member of parliament.<br />When Mbeki fired Jacob Zuma three years ago on 14 June 2005, he could not have imagined that he had set in motion a chain of events that would bring about his own demise and that of many in his cabinet colleagues.<br />At the time, his stand sent a strong signal that the South African government would act against corruption without fear or favour. This was well received on the continent and abroad. He was prompted to act after Durban High Court Judge Hillary Squires had found Zuma’s financial adviser, Schabir Shaik guilty on all charges on 2 June 2005. <br /><br />He sentenced Shaik to 15 years in prison for fraud and corruption and further found that the two men had had a "generally corrupt" relationship.<br />At a special joint sitting of the two Houses of Parliament, there was no cheering or jeering when Mbeki announced that he was firing Zuma. The silence suggested he had struck at the discord brewing deep down within the organisation. T S Eliot, in his celebrated play, Murder in the Cathedral wrote that “The last temptation is the greatest treason: To do the right deed for the wrong reason.” Through the silence came a faint hint that the president was doing the right thing for the wrong reason.<br />In retrospect, this marked the beginning of a revolt within the ANC that culminated in his ousting at the Polokwane conference in December last year. Mbeki was roundly defeated losing his position of head of the ANC to Zuma.<br />Despite this defeat, fresh charges were brought against Zuma soon after the conference, propelling the ANC into a circus of conflicting forces for most of this year.<br /><br />Zuma supporters not only waged a relentless campaign against the judiciary but also took the unprecedented step of saying that they were prepared to “kill for Zuma”. This has threatened to drag the country back into its pre-1994 mode.<br />Earlier Zuma’s conduct during a rape trial also set back the gains of the country’s women’s movements. He was found not guilty but succeeded in doing enormous damage by elevating chauvinistic male prowess to new heights. He further set back the country’s education campaign around safe sex when he admitted to having unprotected sex and taking a shower afterwards as a precaution.<br /><br />Then came a second judgement that changed the political scene. <br /> In his ruling on 12 September, 2008, Judge Chris Nicholson agreed with Zuma that the decision by the National Prosecuting Authority(NPA) to bring corruption and other charges against him in December, shortly after the Polokwane conference, was invalid and unconstitutional because the NPA had not given him a chance to make representations.<br /><br />He emphasised that this was not a finding on Zuma’s guilt or innocence and the NPA could press charges afresh.<br />He drove a nail in Mbeki’s coffin when he said claims of a political conspiracy were perhaps not as far-fetcthed as some believed.<br /><br />Suddenly the judiciary was hailed as fair and independent. Judge Nicholson was described as “progressive” and not “anti-revolutionary”. Zuma and his supporters felt vindicated. Then Mbeki and his cabinet decided to appeal against a section of the judgement and all hell broke loose. <br /><br />By the time the National Executive Committee(NEC) met a week later on Friday morning, Zuma’s view not to remove Mbeki but to call for an early election did not hold sway. He had to settle for a consensus position. By Saturday afternoon, the NEC had decided it would recall Mbeki and by Sunday night, he announced his resignation through a live television broadcast.<br /><br />The ANC’s handling of the weekend’s developments has shown a level of sophistication comparable to its conduct during the negotiation period and immediately thereafter. There was none of the shrillness of weeks gone by. Mbeki, in his televised address to the nation, conducted himself with great dignity, quietly retiring into history.<br /><br />So it seemed until Tuesday when the resignations were announced. At the same time, Mbeki has gone to the Constitutional Court to challenge aspects of the Nicholson judgement. Ironically, Mbeki may be the winner in this round. By exiting with grace and not digging in his heels as he did pre-Polokwane, he has earned considerable respect at home and abroad. This has released him from the strain of being the punching bag for every difficulty experienced by his cabinet. The focus is now no longer on him. It is firmly on the new leadership and more specifically on Zuma and Motlanthe. Their day has come and all that follows will fall squarely on their shoulders. They need to move quickly to firm up Trevor Manuel’s appointment as Finance Minister and accelerate whatever plans they may have for a new cabinet. Ideally they would have wanted to attend to this detail after the elections in six months time. The resignations however remove this luxury. They will have their work cut out over the next few days.<br /><br /><br />There remains considerable scepticism that the firing of Mbeki had anything to do with bringing unity in the ANC. Instead there is a strong feeling that the events witnessed spoke more of revenge than healing. It was more about effectively ending all prosecution against Jacob Zuma than anything else. If it were about unity and healing as the secretary-general, Gwede Mantashe said, the NEC would have had to act against both men. Instead those who wanted the charges to go away, won the day.<br />The country may yet count the costs of one man doing the right thing for the wrong reason and another allowing others to do the same.<br /><br />Ends, Cape Times 24 September, 2008<br /><br />• Zubeida Jaffer, journalist and author is Honorary Research Associate at UCT’s Centre for African Studies. See http://zubeidajaffer.blogspot.com/.Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-57108123192664295692008-09-18T20:28:00.004+02:002008-09-18T20:43:09.771+02:00ANC will prevail if it listens to its constituencyThabang Motsohi.<br />STRATEGY CONSULTANT.<br /><br />It is ironic that as we approach election time again, people increasingly begin to reflect on, and in many ways question, the performance of the ruling party and its accountability to its constituency.<br /><br />The leadership battle that has dominated party activities, pre and post Polokwane, threatens to tear it apart as we prepare for the next election. If the widespread and violent contestations for nomination on the party list are an indicator of the deteriorating crisis, then the ANC voters have legitimate reasons to look for alternative beneficiaries of their precious votes.<br /><br />In so many constituencies, people of high integrity and who command respect and support in their communities, are threatened with violence and even death for seeking to be nominated on to the party list. This is the preserve of those that are close to the party leadership. They are motivated by self-enrichment and seek political power to distribute patronage and control.<br /><br />The situation begs the question: Does the electoral system and the ANC governance structure and practice serve the democratic mandate and interests of its voting constituency?<br /><br />Last Sunday on Interface, J Duarte stated that the ANC is assured of at least 60% voter support. This was so presumptuous, it could have been laughable were it not naïve. We need to show more respect for the intelligence of the voting public.<br /><br />Many voters are increasingly voicing frustration and disillusionment at what is happening within the party. Zubeida Jaffer in her recent article, Star 15th Sep, proposes formation of a direct representation party as an option.<br /><br />Some people believe that this is a very attractive option. It would have a very high potential for success provided it is a mirror image of the ANC and it adopts its principle and policy strategies with the exclusion of the following:<br />• Nomination on the electoral list must be decided by the constituency on the basis of the most preferred candidate,<br />• Participation in the decision making of the party must be by members only. Any alliance partners shall be excluded from this role.<br /><br />Clearly if the ANC adopts constituency based electoral system and limits its relationship with the alliance partners, the need for such a party will fall away.Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-60503996809016831312008-09-18T20:28:00.001+02:002008-09-18T20:31:11.352+02:00Dear Zubeida Jaffer,<br /><br />I am interested in your good column "Disaffected voters….." in today's Cape Times. This is because there is one other single "burning" issue which will qualify for inclusion in any burgeoning new party manifesto. It is to address the land question in a fresh and simple way so as to finally put an end to the disgraceful levels of poverty and unemployment which rack this country. Here is how the South African Constitutional Property Rights Foundation [SACPRIF] describes how the tax system has to be changed:-<br /><br />A New Free-Land Tax Haven: South Africa's Double Dividend<br /><br />When an apple fell on Sir Isaac Newton's head he founded the law of gravity, an algebraic formula which describes the force with which objects hit the ground.<br /><br />This law impacts not only on all things that fly through the air but to ageing body parts, sport, and industry and to all things bright and beautiful in between.<br /><br />There are also natural laws of human behaviour which are governed by algebraic formulae. For instance the law which defines the best conditions for creating new jobs is, ironically, to stop taxing work, profits, interest or value added tax because they raise the cost of employment, capital and trade. They destroy jobs.<br /><br />A further negative of these personal taxes is that they generate high unused land prices which are unaffordable to most. It is trite to say that the poor must have land to survive if they have no job. Yet in SA today the average price of an urban plot is, incredibly, R400 000 and for a rural small–holding R750 000.<br /><br />So the best way to create jobs, either in the towns or country, is to cancel all taxes on work, savings and trade and replace them with a single land tax. This is the natural law of job creation. It is an orthodox fiscal intervention and endorsed by Nobel Laureates in economics<br /><br /> <br /><br />A free-land and tax-haven can be South Africa's double dividend.<br /><br />Details of how one can support this are available on our website www.sacprif.org in the booklet "A Creative Solution to Unemployment and Poverty."<br /><br />Regards, Peter Meakin<br /><br /> <br /><br /> <br /><br />Registered Professional Valuer<br /><br />Chairman SACPRIF Management CommitteeZubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-62577164334657536562008-09-14T12:18:00.000+02:002008-09-14T12:22:53.136+02:00Can the ANC rescue its tarnished image?By Zubeida Jaffer*<br /><br /><br /><br />ANC president Jacob Zuma has acknowledged that the greatest challenge for his party in the upcoming elections would be getting people out to vote.<br />An internal ANC survey has found that it may lose its majorities in at least three provinces – the Western Cape, the Northern Cape and Gauteng.<br /><br />A major fall-off of voters in the next election does not augur well for democracy. While the ANC may technically continue to secure the overall majority nationally, further erosion of the voter base will dent the broad legitimacy it requires to rule effectively.<br /><br />The divisions within its own ranks already present a problem. Polokwane demonstrated however that the party was able to navigate these difficulties successfully. Unfortunately, the tensions appear to have further intensified around the Zuma trial and the present finalisation of lists of those who will qualify for party seats. <br /><br />While it appears to be consumed by these difficulties, many of those who have been staunch ANC voters are being lost by the way.<br /><br />Both in Gauteng and in the Western Cape, there are informal discussions about the range of options open to those who have traditionally voted ANC. The first impulse appears to be to stay away from the polls and to show disaffection by not voting.<br />The second impulse is to encourage voters to go to the polls and spoil their ballot papers. The third is to vote for one of the opposition parties. The fourth is to form a single-issue party to campaign for direct representation and to call on all ANC voters to voice their disapproval of the party’s performance by voting for this party.<br /><br />Some are arguing that staying away from the polls will amount to a passive action that will do little to strengthen the democratic process. Spoiling the ballot papers in turn, while more active, will not be a wake up call for the ruling party since it will be difficult to differentiate between genuine spoiling and protest spoiling.<br /><br />Voting for the opposition parties appears to be finding little support. Some argue that their vote should go to the Democratic Alliance (DA) or the Independent Democrats (ID) since these represent the parties with the greatest chance for growth. Others argue that a vote for one of the smaller parties, such as the UDM, will be a vote for encouraging more voices rather than less.<br /><br />The difficulty most disaffected ANC voters have with the opposition parties is that they have not been able to draw to themselves significant black support essential for ensuring a non-racial future. The ANC remains the party that holds the attraction for the black community across the ethnic divide. It cannot be denied that this capacity is an essential ingredient for securing national political stability.<br />The fourth option circulating through the corridors of disaffection will require considerable courage since it requires open, public organisation. The idea under discussion is to form a party to campaign for electoral reform. This party will call for leaders to be directly responsible to the electorate at the next elections in 2014. Committed strongly to non-racialism and upholding the constitution, it will call on the government to hold a referendum to establish whether or not South Africans want to elect their president and their local members of parliament directly.<br /><br />Those punting this idea argue that there is something fundamentally flawed with the present electoral system. It was adequate for the transitional years but needs to mature into a system that will address the growing gap between the elected and the electorate. The present system gives overwhelming power to the political parties. The power should be placed firmly with the people. If leaders were answerable to their constituencies, they would arguably have been aware of the rising tide of xenophobia a few months ago and at least have expressed the frustrations facing their communities. <br /><br />There are many good leaders in the ANC. Unfortunately they have to give more of their time to keeping the party rather than the public happy. This is as a result of the electoral system all South Africans fashioned at the negotiation table. Is it not time to consider what reform is required to deepen the democracy so many sacrificed so much for?<br /><br />The present political fluidity, while scary, does provide an opportunity for robust debate and creative intervention. In true South African spirit, the debate is taking place at many different levels. How these discussions will be expressed through concrete action within the next few months will be of great importance to the public.<br /><br />The ANC could rescue its tarnished image if it reads the mood properly and acts in a boldly imaginative way. Zuma has urged the three alliance partners to campaign together and stress the achievements rather than the failings of the government. He particularly urged members at an election workshop in Johannesburg to speak out about how the ANC plans to resolve issues of crime and HIV/Aids. This has all been done before and will hardly be an imaginative way to enthuse voters.<br /><br />What has bordered on the imaginative is his statement a few weeks ago that he will only serve a five-year term and put in place an open process for the election of the next ANC leader. It would be amazingly imaginative if he could say that during his time, he will commit himself to driving the process for electoral reform.<br /><br />He would forever be imprinted in the hearts of all South Africans if he could urge his party that it would be better for him not to stand for the position of president within the present political climate. Like Mbeki in the run-up to Polokwane, he and those around him are ignoring the fact that his candidacy is contributing to the development of a serious political crisis. The party’s own voters perceive it as leading the way in creating institutional instability. Its own voters are having difficulty in voting for a party that is elevating the fortunes of one man above the good of the party and the country. In terms of both the ANC and the South African constitution, the president of the ANC does not automatically have to be the president of the country. If Zuma could find the wisdom to hold back and ask his supporters to put forward an alternative presidential candidate who will appeal to South Africans broadly, he will forever be held in high esteem as one who put country and nation first above personal ambition.<br /><br />This act together with a commitment to electoral reform and institutional stability will go a long way to address his challenge of bringing voters out to the polls next year.<br /><br />Ends<br /><br />*Zubeida Jaffer, journalist and author, is presently an Honorary Research Associate at the UCT’s Centre for African Studies. See www.zubeidajaffer.co.za.Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-82422006524409693192008-09-03T04:55:00.006+02:002008-09-03T05:52:02.107+02:00Mnquma Municipality in the Eastern Cape<span style="font-weight: bold;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: rgb(102, 102, 102);"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal;"><div><br /></div>A Case Study: </span></span><br />Mnquma Municipality in the Eastern Cape<br />Overcoming serious local government challenges<br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: rgb(102, 102, 102);"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: normal;">April 2008</span></span></span><br /><br /><br /><span><span style="font-weight: bold;">Introduction </span><br />More than 100kms from East London lie three rural towns that make up the Mnquma municipality. Butterworth, Ngqamakhwe and Centane – small towns that were part of the old Transkei – are at the core of this municipality that includes villages such as Mente, Ntenza and Gwadana.<br /><br />Two years ago, this area won the dubious honour of being declared the dirtiest municipality in South Africa. At the same time, it was plagued with ongoing political instability that culminated in the burning down of a small newly-built mayor’s office in Butterworth. The arsonists have yet to be arrested.<br /><br />At the Governance Summer School held in Somerset West in March this year, officials from this area reported that not only had they stabilised the area politically but had also led a clean-up campaign that had ended Mnquma’s notoriety as the dirtiest municipality in the country.<br /><br />The Governance Summer School was convened by three provinces – the Western Cape, Northern Cape and Eastern Cape – and brought together politicians and officials from local and provincial departments to examine issues of leadership.<br /><br />Mnquma was chosen as a case study presented to the gathering and generated considerable interest. How did this municipality which serves over 200,000 people turn the corner? Has it turned the corner?<br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;">Profile </span><br />According to Census data (2001), the total population is approximately 297 663 people. 99% are Xhosa speaking Africans. The remaining 1% of the population includes English, Afrikaans, Zulu and Sesotho speaking people. More than half (54%) are women. The number of households comes to about 75 410.<br /><br />In the Eastern Cape, Mnquma is one of the municipalities with the highest levels of poverty, illiteracy and unemployment. About 40% of all households have no income and need subsidy arrangements for survival. About 27% have incomes less than R9600 a month. Mnquma suffers from serious infrastructural backlogs:<br /><br />- 66% of households do not have access to electricity<br />- 29% of households have no access to piped water while only 7% has piped water either in their dwelling or in their yard. About 11% access water through community standpipes and 38% from rivers<br />- Only 12 percent of households have access to flush toilets<br />- More than half (54%) do not have access to sanitation services<br />- 2% of households have a telephone, 2% have telephone and cell phone in their home and only 16% have cell phones, 34% use public telephones and 27% use other means<br />- 92% of all roads are gravel whilst 8% are tarred<br /><br />The Council comprises 61 councillors serving 31 wards and has a staff complement of approximately 460.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;">Background </span><br />Before 2000, each of the rural towns in this vicinity had their own municipality. Butterworth for example was a municipality with a council and town clerk supported by three heads of department. These entities provided basic services and some planning but did not see themselves as having a broader developmental responsibility.<br /><br />When the towns and the surrounding countryside and villages were amalgamated into a single municipality in December 2000, the new elected local leadership found that they had inherited a completely bankrupt municipal entity. They further discovered that many years of workers retirement deductions had not been paid into the appropriate funds. As a result, the local work-force, uncertain of the changed local environment in the year 2001, led aggressive protests against the mayor, his councillors and newly-elected top officials. Workers drove managers out of their offices. They blockaded entrances to local government offices with graders and other municipal vehicles.<br /><br />At the time, the present mayor, Councillor Mabone William Duna, served on the executive of the municipality. He had served five years as a member of national parliament and had returned to his local constituency and been elected as a local councillor. He described the situation at the time: “In 2001, we found an institution run by bureaucrats,” he said. “There were no offices to accommodate new councillors and the town clerk was essentially the CEO. There was tension between these officials from the old order and the incoming councillors. We were uncertain about our different roles and were also faced with a scarcity of resources.”<br /><br />Before the disputes arose over the workers pensions, the new executive progressed steadily. The present Speaker of Council, Mbulelo Thenjwa, was then elected Executive Mayor of the newly constituted Mnquma Municipality. He had previously worked with a rural development agency in that region for 20 years and immediately initiated an Urban Renewal Programme as well as an Integrated Development Plan (IDP) as required by the Municipal Systems Act (MSA) of 2000. These early efforts to put systems in place were derailed when tensions started over the pension dispute.<br /><br />This crisis dragged on for two to three years and paralysed service delivery. By the time this was settled, the March 2006 local government elections loomed in the distance and slowly a new tension emerged between those who held positions of leadership and those who were keen to oust them and take charge. The mayor was in dispute with the deputy mayor who was in dispute with the speaker. As a result, the newly appointed municipal manager, Ngamela Pakade, was suspended. Also driven from his office was the human resources manager, Mthalo Mzimasi. Against this backdrop, service delivery stalled.<br /><br />Once the new council was elected and installed, the acting municipal manager, Sipho Mengezeleli refused to work with them. There was general ill-discipline with the mayor and speaker being insulted by staff. The towns were deliberately dirtied with refuse being dumped in the streets. Service delivery was put on hold as water pipes were broken into, electricity poles cut, potholes left unattended and refuse uncollected. Ex-councillors encouraged people not to pay for services. The population of Mnquma was gripped in this administrative logjam.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;">Dealing with the problems </span><br />The first step taken in response to the challenges in 2001 was to bring new councillors and old bureaucrats together in a series of workshops. At the time, there were few full-time councillors. Initially there were only six which was later increased to ten. They had to squeeze into a tiny office to hold their meetings.<br /><br />The initial workshops were held to find ways to accommodate everybody’s fears. In the process, some of the old order bureaucrats resigned or asked for early retirement. The councillors could then consider how they were going to build a new team. They immediately set out to find a new municipal manager and suitable human resource and administrative managers. While this process was underway however, there were growing rumblings amongst workers. Once again, they were feeling threatened that they would be expelled or dismissed by the new managers. They articulated their feelings of unease by once again demanding that monies be paid to them and not over to the pension fund.<br /><br />It was difficult for the officials to handle this situation and cope with the other daily demands of setting up the municipality.<br /><br />When Mthalo Mzimasi, a former teacher, was appointed as human resources manager, he found an unruly situation. He realised that it would be no use hauling workers up for disciplinary hearings for toyi-toying and locking out councillors. He recognised the fear of change running through the workforce. There were lots of rumours of new managers coming in to fire workers and deprive them of their livelihoods. He too was pushed around and was forced to vacate his office and decided to proceed cautiously. The first thing he did was to make contact with some union leaders and ask to meet with them. When they eventually met with him, he was slowly able to ask them to consider working with him to solve the pension pay-out problem. A committee was set up and endless meetings were held which were long and tiring. Mzimasi familiarised himself with the dynamics of change management practices which over time brought about cooperation. At the same time, on instruction of the mayor and his councillors, he also worked on instituting proper recruitment procedures and finance procedures. The issue of the unpaid pensions however dominated the municipality. The call for monies to be paid out immediately grew stronger leading the municipality to finally call in the help of the provincial authorities in Bisho.<br /><br />They decided to make an intervention in terms of Section 154 of the Municipal Act which allowed such action when a municipality was in trouble. With the assistance of the province, a settlement was finally brokered amicably over many months. The municipality owed R30m in arrears to the pension fund. It agreed to pay this off in staggered payments over a number of years. These monies came directly from the municipal budget. Bisho also eased the load when it agreed to pay R10m owed by the apartheid government.<br /><br />Mayor Duna, in his simply furnished small office at the Mnquma municipality was frank about the difficulties they had encountered. “I would say for much of 2001 to 2005 we were dealing with these internal issues. The old order bureaucrats wanted to maintain a hostile relationship with the councillors so that they could not function and everything would revert to the way it always was,” he said. “And we had no experience or understanding of governance. We were grappling with this arrival of the animal called a municipality, struggling to put it into its proper context and trying to determine the roles of the councillors. Within this confusion, no service delivery took place.<br /><br />Unfortunately too, once these initial problems were nearing solution, a new set of political tensions emerged in the run-up to the 2006. Power struggles between the mayor and speaker paralysed the municipality and there was not much that could be done other than to prepare and fight it out at the polls. After the local government elections in March 2006, the newly-elected mayoral committee had to elect a new mayor. Councillor Duna was elected by 18 to 10 votes. The former mayor, Councillor Mbulelo Thenjwa was elected speaker. They agreed, through discussions with all councillors that a deputy mayor would not be appointed, thus reducing the possibility of reliving the tensions they experienced. By this time too, they were clearer about the roles of councillors and council officials. The mayor and his new team understood that they had to create enough space for the administration to function with independence. The only way they could do that was for them to work as a team and not give opposing instructions.<br /><br />“We were keen to put together a team of bureaucrats that could help us steer the ship in the right direction,” said Mayor Duna.<br /><br />At last the municipality appeared to have reached a point of stability. Little did they know that the fall-out of the election results were to have consequences. A group of assailants attacked the new municipal head office and set it alight. They managed to escape and remain unknown. At the same time, ex-councillors encouraged people not to pay for services and once the new council was installed, the acting municipal manager refused to work with them. The staff was unruly and deliberately dirtied the streets with refuse.<br /><br />Against this backdrop, the suspended municipal manager, Ngamela Phakade, was returned to office. The charge against him levelled by the then deputy mayor was dropped. The charge was that he had usurped his powers when he fired a colleague. When Phakade was first appointed in 2002, he had walked straight into the mess of the transition. Now as he returned, he once again tumbled into drama. A lawyer by training, he joined the municipality from the law faculty now part of the newly restructured Walter Sisulu University. He comes from a younger generation of professionals eager to leave a positive legacy of progress. In his small office, with a rather large desk that takes up all the space, he explained that the crisis was precipitated by the fact that 50 percent of the 61 councillors were not returned to office. “This is something that the national department of local government has to give attention to. It creates enormous tension and it could result in a loss of skill that has been developed over a term.<br /><br />This time round however he was in a strong position because of the united leadership. “The mayor supports me and does not interfere. The speaker has no interest in being mayor and the chief whip has no such aspirations.”<br /><br />They instructed him to go to the courts and bring those to book who had committed the disturbance. Not only had they dirtied the towns but they had engaged in looting. Two trucks were stolen that were fortunately tracked down in Lesotho and recovered. The former deputy mayor still refuses to move from a municipal house and he too has been taken to court, the outcome of which has still to be decided.<br /><br />The tough action calmed the situation and allowed the municipality to give serious attention to winning back the confidence of the people. One of the first things that they did was to show the people that they were prepared to lead by example.<br /><br />They went on a big drive to clean the towns. The mayor and all executive members personally went into town to clean up. A two-day cleaning campaign helped to begin to restore confidence that perhaps the municipality was serious this time.<br /><br />They also introduced regular communication with communities through the community radio station called Khanya Community Radio Station.<br /><br />The appointment of a new CFO also helped to begin reverse the distrust. Coming from the Buffalo City Municipality, Noluthando Ntshanga found a backlog of audits. At the same time, she initiated an outreach programme to communities to hear what they wanted. They were reluctant to pay their bills and she wanted to understand why. They complained that often they received bills late or not at all. The 10,000 statements that the municipality was supposed to send out often did not reach homes.<br /><br />She decided to invest in new automated machine that could quickly print, fold and seal statements. These were then posted in good time and resulted in more people paying their bills. By September 2007, she was able to set up a big tent in town and host an awareness day calling on people to come and pay up on the day. They came forward and R100,000 of outstanding monies were collected. “We had to be creative,” she said. “People had to see that the municipality was changing,” she said.<br /><br />There was no quick fix though, said Municipal Manager Phakade. “The people have been subjected to dysfunctionality,” he said. “Most have lost hope and now have to be won over to be involved in governance,” he said.<br /><br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;">Signs of hope </span><br />For the first time this year, the annual financial statements required by National Treasury were completed on time. An asset register has been set up as required by law and is being maintained.<br /><br />They have started the process of valuing properties as required by law. This exercise should bring in additional revenue. A newly appointed firm of accountants (made possible through grant funding) has helped them comply with the production of monthly statements on the 10th day of each month as legally required.<br /><br />They reached their 4 percent target of increased revenue collection and hope to meet their target of 20 percent in five years time. “In 2000, when Mnquma was born, it was created as a financial entity expected to run on its own resources,” said Mayor Duna. “At the time, this felt like a challenge that seemed insurmountable. But now with a stable team, it has become manageable,” he said.<br /><br />The speaker clearly understands that his role has to be neutral. To help build trust, he has introduced a snap debate at every council meeting encouraging all political parties to initiate discussion not on the planned agenda. Most importantly he has led the process of enforcing personal discipline which the leadership believed would be the first step to reviving effective organisation. Through collective discussion with all councillors, they have drawn up documents that clearly define what is expected.<br /><br />They have gone as far as to define what was considered appropriate dress for councillors attending formal meetings. Men cannot come dressed “as if they are about to do the garden” and women “must not expose their bodies in an undignified way”. The dress code makes interesting reading.<br /><br />Further if a councillor does not a attend a standing committee meeting without an apology (to be signed by the chief whip and approved by the speaker), they will have R500 deducted from their salary. If he or she does not attend a council meeting, R1,000 is deducted. If councillors arrive 15 minutes late, they have to remain seated in the public gallery.<br /><br />Progress within the Human Resources department made it possible to move its manager to Community Services. He had led the process of reviving the department and was now called upon to assist with a seriously neglected area – cleansing, traffic, security, fire services, libraries and primary health services. Cleansing continued to be a top priority with increased attention being given to landscaping.<br /><br />This year attention has been given to lawlessness around traffic. In Butterworth, two senior traffic officers have been employed, four more will soon be employed and as an immediate intervention, 10 traffic wardens were employed to patrol the town.<br /><br />When recently visited, the central town definitely exuded a sense of cleanliness and order. In surrounding townships, however there was still uncollected dirt heaps dotted around. Four roads have been built and repaired during the past year but residents continue to complain about potholes which damage their vehicles. “We do not have the resources to tackle everything at once,” said Phakade. “But we are aware that this is something that must be attended to.” A new hall for the use of traditional leaders will soon be completed within a business centre complex outside the town. This is part of their efforts to work more closely with the chiefs and<br />headmen to circumvent problems. The recently adopted Intergovernmental Framework Act has eased difficulties in this regard since it gives guidelines as to how municipalities should consolidate other spheres of influence in the communities.<br /><br />The municipality initiated the business complex about a year and a half ago with the assistance of Nedbank and Old Mutual. The insurance companies have developed a package tailor-made for this locality. It is a pilot project that will insure cattle, mielie fields and houses. If the project succeeds, it will be extended to other rural municipalities across the country. The development of these business facilities is part of the realisation that people must have access to services where they live and not have to travel to Buffalo City in East London and spend their earnings there. “Local economic development is central,” said the Speaker Mbulelo Thenjwa. “What we had here was a false economy,” he said.<br /><br />The growth of the economy also depends on responding to the needs of the middle income people. The municipality has successfully made an arrangement with the Eastern Cape Development Corporation to sell more than 400 houses that people are presently renting from them. Once this is done, the new owners will have to pay rates and this will improve the municipality’s balance sheet.<br /><br />An audit of the needs of SMME’s is underway in an effort to identify how best to given appropriate support. Recently, the municipality opened a business information centre to give effect to this work.<br /><br />In the next town, Centane, the Development Forum has identified land to start growing plants from which to make essential oils in demand locally and internationally. “Since we have resolved our internal problems and focused our attention on service delivery, numerous retail shops have returned to the town,” said Councillor Thenjwa. A new shopping mall is also under construction.<br />“Hopefully we will see a stage when the local leaders will graduate fully to a commitment to development not contaminated by political differences,” he said.<br /><br />Two years after the 2006 elections, councillors and bureaucrats no longer bury their heads in shame when they have to attend provincial or national meetings. They are now often called upon to share their expertise instead and asked how they had reversed their fortunes.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;">Lessons </span><br />All of those interviewed listed some or all of the following lessons.<br /><br />The most important breakthrough was creating a collective leadership and eliminating tensions between top officials. The mayor, the speaker and the chief whip have to cooperate and not work against one another.<br /><br />It was important to not rush into a situation but first understand the importance of developing a team. Through the experiences here, they learnt that it was not always good for a leader to move in the fast lane leaving most others behind. There must be investment in a team and time given to keep that team together.<br /><br />The local leadership often did not understand the legislative framework nor the true limitations of constitutional capacity. Once they followed the legislation to the letter and accepted the capacity constraints, they were able to plan better and lead more realistically.<br /><br />Every effort has to be made to ensure that councillors and staff understand their different roles and that they stick to a clearly-defined job description. A strong human resources operation was crucial in firming up lines of division and ensuring compliance to roles. It was disastrous when an administrator wanted to be a politician or a politician an administrator.<br /><br />Besides the municipal manager, the skills levels of the human resource and finance manager made a huge difference to building a stable administration. All municipalities need to give immediate attention to getting the best people to fill these posts.<br /><br />Understanding rights in terms of the constitution was also very crucial. Leaders needed to show that they respected the terms of the constitution, understood it and were prepared to try to live according to it. Only then was it possible to urge the people to demonstrate similar respect minimising space for misbehaviour.<br /><br />Every effort must be made to improve financial management which is the bedrock of any municipality. The community was not interested in paying their bills when they witnessed mismanagement.<br /><br />In appointment of staff, it has helped removing all political interference and concentrating only on skills. Skilled staff have been recruited even if they came from other provinces or municipalities breaking the tendency to employ only locals.<br /><br />Similarly with tender processes, politicians were strongly discouraged from interfering in any way with administrative procedures. Constant reminders of the code of conduct that spells out this separation was important.<br /><br />It was important to identify quick-win projects which could be translated into a longer term programme – for example, the two-day cleaning campaign must move into ongoing planned landscaping.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight: bold;">Conclusion </span><br />There are strong indications that there has indeed been a turn around in this troubled municipality. The energy and commitment of the local leadership and top officials interviewed are without doubt impressive. The strength of their recovery however will depend on a number of factors: Will they be able to maintain unity amongst the leadership team? How will they cope with the tensions generated by the next local government election? They are discussing the possibility of instituting a risk committee which will appoint a risk manager to anticipate potential problems and this may ensure improved readiness for the difficulties of an electoral period.<br /><br />If they are able to reach their increased revenue target of 20 percent within five years, this should be a good indication of prolonged success. Will they retain able staff and attract new staff on a consistent basis? Will they be able to minimise the disgruntlement still present amongst some sectors of the workforce?<br /><br />Most of all will they stimulate the kind of local economic effort that would lift this municipality out of poverty? The municipal manager’s contract ends in 2012 and he hopes to leave an institution that is running in accordance with all the principles of corporate governance as required by the local government laws. “It is all about giving people confidence to take local initiatives,” he said. “We do not want people who are beggars.’<br /><br />This municipality is moving in the right direction and deserve every bit of provincial and national support. It will be very unfortunate if the local leadership slacken their efforts and let go of steering this ship forward. Firm and consistent leadership over the next five years will be the most important ingredient that will ensure a tangible improvement in the lives of the local people.<br /><br /><span style="color: rgb(102, 102, 102);">Zubeida Jaffer </span><br /><span style="color: rgb(102, 102, 102); font-style: italic;">Journalist and Honorary Research Associate </span><br /><span style="color: rgb(102, 102, 102); font-style: italic;">Centre for African Studies, UCT </span><br /><br />Special thanks to Fundile Feketshane, the office manager in the mayoral office, for facilitating this research. His inobstrusive efforts speak loudly of a growing understanding of the necessary separation of roles between political office bearers and municipal staff in Mnquma.</span>Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4771850161194824783.post-38791627332904842402008-08-19T04:15:00.002+02:002008-08-19T04:21:48.374+02:00Boesak strikes a chordCAPE TIMES 1 AUGUST 2008<br /><br />Dr Alan Boesak spoke deep into the heart of South Africa’s political uncertainties when he delivered the annual Ashley Kriel Memorial Youth Lecture this week.<br /><br />The Great Hall at UWC, overflowing with more than 2,000 people, broke into rapturous applause when he warned against the kind of democracy “where we have the vote but are bereft of our voice, where the dreams of the poor have become the blanket of the rich and where justice for the poor is a line in a slogan but not the song of our hearts.”<br /><br />The hall began filling up nearly an hour before the meeting was due to start and by the time it started, people continued flowing in attempting to find available space in the aisles.<br /><br />He struck a chord with the audience of mainly former UDF activists when he said that for many who had sacrificed everything, “politics in South Africa has become a strange and frightening space” where people are “tragically estranged from the movement they love.”<br /><br />The annual lecture jointly organised by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation(IJR) and the University of the Western Cape, attracted a cross-section of people from different communities suggestive of the non-racial character of the earlier movement launched 25 years ago. In the audience were also groups of young people from the schools in Bonteheuwel and surrounds where Ashley Kriel lived.<br /><br />For the first time in five years, the local ANC leadership attended the event en masse. Seated in the front rows were not just the new Premier, Lynne Brown but a number of her political associates such as Skwebesi Swatsha(check), Garth Strachan and Max Ozinsky. Their attendance appeared to give recognition to the fact that they could not ignore the groundswell of anti-ANC sentiment in the province. It was also an opportunity post Ebrahim Rasool to be on display as a new leadership grouping.<br /><br />Many of those who were present at the meeting privately admit that they do not see their way clear to vote for the ANC in the forthcoming elections. They were not attracted to any opposition party and would choose to stay away from the polls. Some argued that it was not a good idea to encourage people not to vote because this weakened democracy. But the foremost question for them was who do they vote for if they disapprove of the ANC’s conduct?<br /><br />Dr Boesak did not mince his words when he spoke out against corruption, the lack of leadership accountability and the efforts of a few to squander a proud legacy crafted by many ordinary people across the country.<br /><br />There was wild applause when he criticised the recent behaviour of some leaders who encouraged people to kill for the movement. “Not only is such talk totally out of place in our democracy, it is a shameless abuse of positions of trust, and shows a shameless abuse of positions of trust.”<br /><br />Speaking out against ethnicity and racialisation of society, he brought the focus straight back to the original vision that had driven the democratic forces that “South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black or white.”<br /><br />“In the final instance judgement will be given, not in terms of whiteness or blackness, whatever the ideological content of those words may be today but in terms of the persistent faithfulness we are called to in this struggle,” he said.<br />Judging from the applause, the thread of non-racialism remained a strong impulse amongst those gathered.<br /><br />Interestingly Boesak did not single out any political leader except making cursory reference to Jacob Zuma not approving of the cry to kill.<br /><br />Yet his critique of the post-Mandela leadership was apparent in his consistent message that South Africa’s problems were not predominantly ethnic. “Our problem is a problem of betrayal of the poor, of a loss of faith in the people, of a loss of vision for the nation. It is a problem of disconnectedness with the people, of greed and hunger for power, of self-deceit and mindless arrogance,” he said.<br /><br />It would not do the speech justice to say it was vintage Boesak. It was and it wasn’t. It was in the sense that he referred to extracts of his speeches made 25 years ago. But it wasn’t in the sense what was on display was a much-less ego-driven Boesak. It was a perfectly crafted speech and a piece of oratory that will not be lost in the dustbins of history. He is a Boesak now that has come through his own pain and appears to have transcended his personal challenges to become again the voice of a non-racial vision for this country. Those who dominate the political discourse have pushed that vision deep down into a dark well of obscurity. Instead the attention of the nation is on which faction will win the election, what will this mean in terms of positions dished out and attacks heaped against the judiciary.<br /><br />The mood at the gathering was a strong indication that there are many that are crying out for a refocus on the vision that had released the energies of thousands across the country. It will be interesting to see if Dr Boesak will be prepared to play this role on a consistent basis, not as a party-political figure but as a gifted orator that will keep the nation’s mind focussed on the direction in which it must move.<br /><br />He has articulated a sentiment which is uppermost in many minds. By doing so he has strengthened the hand of those who opposed to the kind of ethnic mobilisation that we are seeing. “There are those who seek to establish levels of suffering, levels of pain and levels of disadvantage and upon that falsehood try to build new levels of privilege,” he said. “And no matter how they go about it, it always ends up with levels of colour. To narrow down our Africanness to an ethnic dimension, “Africans” becoming “ethnic” Africans is not only humanly degrading, but historically untrue and politically offensive,” he said.<br /><br />Interestingly he encouraged his audience not to lay blame but suggested that the answer to the current difficulties “lies within ourselves.” “We can either succumb to the politics of delusion or we can stand up for the politics of hope,” he said. He called on South Africans to believe in themselves and trust their dreams of justice. “Our problem is forsaking our spirituality and forgetting our faith,” he said.<br /><br />He spoke strongly against the mood of despair gripping the country. “Too many of us are despairing, mourning the loss of what we thought we had, bemoaning our democracy, blaming others and forgetting our own responsibility. “Let us wake up from mourning and unite this nation.”<br /><br />He received a standing ovation from the crowd at the end of his speech. Not only had he not lost his ability to connect directly with the hearts and minds of South Africans but on display were flashes of political maturity lifting him out of the past years of self-pity. He too appeared to have ended his period of mourning and was now calling on others to do the same.<br /><br />He spoke of a second chance, an opportunity to give substance to “the dreams we once had.” It is not immediately clear whether he was referring here to the Polokwane phenomenon or whether he was referring to the mood in the country to forge something different, to find ways to reclaim closed political spaces. It is too early to say. The incisiveness of the speech and the large audience that poured into the hall does suggest that what we are seeing here is a sign of a civil society crying out for revolt.Zubeida Jafferhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09846057660390711009noreply@blogger.com1